5 reasons for doing online learning for school students well
13 April 2020
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It is possible to break free of gendered segregation in the professions
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20 March 2025
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Growing up I wanted to be a policeman, not a policewoman. Do not get me wrong - I was not contemplating a sex change. I had discovered that the physical test to qualify as a policewoman was easier than that for policeman. “Stuff that” I thought (or something along those lines), I can run further than any of the boys in my class, and I was pretty confident I could take them on in any fight. (Although neither Andrew nor I turned up to the much whispered after school event where we planned to put my theory to the test). Some years later I decided I wanted to be the first female prime minister of New Zealand. But Jenny Shipley bet me to that mantel. That was okay because, by then, I had fallen in love with economics. And the rest, as they say, is history.
As this history unfolded my firm belief was, and still is, that the innate ability to do most jobs is similar between men and women. Yet, even within my own profession, the number of women studying economics and entering the profession is not only a minority, it is a dwindling minority.
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Segregating occupations on the basis of gender is a drag on the economy
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As an economist, I am now better able than my primary school-aged self to articulate the reasons why breaking free of gendered occupation stereotypes matters. It is more than because “it is not right” or “not fair”. While it is not right and it does defy equality, I do not want to overplay these arguments as they too quickly reduce gender segregation to a “women’s issue”, when both men and women are impacted by the rules and assumptions that bring segregation about. That is, just as women should not have to justify why they have chosen a career in engineering, nor should men who chose to pursue their dream job in nursing have to explain or suffer socially for their choices.
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It's an economic issue. The economics is that persistent workforce segregation on the basis of gender is a drag on the economy. Productivity is compromised. And so too is the ability of the economy to adapt to structural change. Let me explain.
But narrowly. That is, this article is focused on horizontal workforce gendered segregation. Or, more simply put: the occupations men and women work in. While no less important, it does not deal with vertical workforce gendered segregation. That is, it does not discuss who are rising to the top levels of seniority. This piece would risk turning into an unfocused weighty tomb were I to deal with both.
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Rounding back to my promised explanation. Segregating occupations on the basis of gender results in productivity within those occupations being less than that possible under the alternative scenario where the best is able to be selected from all, rather than half, of the labour pool. It follows then that breaking gendered stereotypes holds the potential to provide a much needed boost to Australia’s flagging productivity growth.
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Likewise the ability of the economy to adjust and respond to structural change and shocks is limited by gendered barriers to the reallocation of labour across occupations. Breaking down these barriers promotes labour mobility and speeds adjustment. This is critical when technology change and other innovations conspire to accelerate the rate of job transformation.
Gender segregation has persisted
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Yet gender segregation has persisted. Looking back over thirty years, it is shocking how little has changed. At the broad level, technical and trade workers, machine operators and drivers and labourers are occupations still dominated by men, while community and personal care, clerical and administrative workers continue to be dominated by women. Managers have, however, pleasingly nudged into the category of ”balanced” occupations, which I have defined as between 40 and 60 percent of either gender. Professionals have persisted in this category throughout the whole three decades.
Gender segregation by broad occupations
Employment share​

Source: Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) (2025) Labour Force, Detailed, Australia.
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Gender segregation in the professions
Prima facie the outcome for professionals we can see in the chart above may make sense to those rushing to explain away some of the gendered divide by references to the differing physical abilities of men and women. Which I clearly do not buy given my early aspirations to be a policeman. But even if I were to allow that there may have been some element of truth in this in the past, there is little place today for physical strength to narrow career aspirations given that advancements in technology are doing much of the heavy lifting. But I digress.
For the professions it is occupations that engage our hearts and heads rather than our hands that are their defining characteristics. As gender is not determinant of one’s emotional or intelligence quotients, it is reasonable to expect there to be greater gender balance.
Reasonable? Yes. Real? No. If you do a deeper drill down into the professions, it becomes clearer that gender balance is not the norm. The reality is that the illusion of balance is due to the extremes cancelling each other out. That is, it continues to be largely men who are the scientists, engineers and information technology workers. It is largely men who are using their heads. And it is largely women who are looking out for your health and teaching your children. It is largely women who are engaging their hearts.
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Gender segregation in the professions
Employment share

Source: ABS (2025) Labour Force, Detailed, Australia.
It is too convenient to argue that this is the way of the world and, therefore, we should do nothing. That it is too hard to alter outcomes that time has proven are resistant to change. Or because Australia is no different from culturally and linguistically similar countries, like the United Kingdom and the United States, which provide points of comparison in the chart below. Let alone most of the 88 countries, both similar and dissimilar, that the International Labour Organisation (ILO) monitors.
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Gender segregation in the professions in Australia and elsewhere​​
Employment share in 2023

Source: International Labour Organisation (ILO), Statistics on employment.
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A quick herstory of the accounting profession
Change is possible. And the accounting profession is proof. What follows is a quick “herstory” of the profession, and how time has proven early assumptions about women’s emotional and intellectual capabilities to be wrong. Their hearts do not undermine their capabilities and their minds are every bit as sharp as their male peers.
Accounting sits under the business and administration umbrella of professions that the data we have just looked at tells us has been persistently balanced over the last 30 years. Indeed if we examine the membership of one of Australia’s large professional accounting bodies, CPA Australia, we find that women now tip the scale in their favour, comprising 51 percent of all members.
However, if we look back more than 30 years, way back to when the profession was establishing itself in the early days of Federation, the share of women recognised by the profession was a big fat zero percent.
This herstory begs the following questions: How and why were there originally no female professional accountants? And what changed?
Before I address these questions, let me first acknowledge retired accounting academic, Kathie Cooper, who in relatively recent years shared her seminal research, the findings of which filled a previously missing vital piece of the profession’s herstory. In 2008, she told the story of Mary Addison Hamilton who, bearing the well-suited nickname of ‘Addie’, was not just Australia’s first lady of numbers, but the British Empire’s. Two years later, Kathie traced the campaign by women in Australia to gain admission to the accounting profession. The early herstory of the accounting profession recounted here draws on her research and insights.
Accounting professional bodies were prolific in Australia from the late nineteenth century until the mid-twentieth when, through various amalgamations, there became two dominant bodies: the Institute of Chartered Accountants in Australia, now known as Chartered Accountants Australia and New Zealand (CA ANZ); and the Australian Society of Accountants (ASA), which subsequently became the Australian Society of Certified Practicing Accountants (ASCPA), and is now CPA Australia.
None of CA ANZ’s or CPA Australia’s antecedent bodies explicitly excluded female membership. This was achieved by implication that the membership rules and articles of each were couched in masculine terms. For example, the admission to membership criteria of the Incorporated Institute of Accountants stated that applicants must apply in writing stating “the nature of his business, profession or occupation since he applied to be admitted to the prescribed examinations”. The implication subsequently became specific by a narrow legal interpretation that the articles referred only to the masculine gender. Accordingly, female membership was precluded, with amendments only possible by a vote of an all-male membership.
When the first reported formal application was received in 1899 for a woman to sit the Incorporated Institute of Accountants, Victoria’s examinations with a view to membership, this and subsequent attempts failed due to member council procrastination and dubious ballots. When the original application was eventually put to the vote, it was lost by 69 votes against to 26 in favour, despite there being only 15 members who actually attended the member council meeting. Nonetheless, this created a precedent for refusing future applications. As did subsequent ballots.
In 1917, a resolution of the council of the Australasian Corporation of Public Accountants reached a year earlier that it is desirable to admit women to membership was put to the vote at the annual meetings of members in each state. While the aggregate result was positive, due to its narrowness it was deemed that alteration of the articles was impracticable. The smoke screen provided by the narrow legal interpretation of membership criteria prevailed.
It took until 1921 for the subject of women’s admission to returned to the Corporation’s agenda. Until 2022 for the council to resolve that steps be taken to alter its articles so that women may be eligible for admission to membership. And until 2027 for it to be resolved that articles be amended to include that “words importing the masculine gender shall include the feminine”. The Corporation was the final Australian professional accounting organisation to open its membership to women.
In other words, up until this last bastion had fallen, narrow legal interpretation, dubious ballots and procrastination explained "how" women were prevented from membership in the accounting profession.
But it is arguably the "why" that is of greater interest. The excuses that played out over time boiled down to perceptions about the nature, abilities and role of women.
Let us start with their nature. Forming part of the British Empire, the Australian accounting profession inherited the perspectives of its United Kingdom (UK) counterparts. There the view held by some accountants and lawyers was that the happiest profession for a woman was matrimony. And that a woman might not succeed because “no inconsiderable part of an accountant’s duties consist in acting as trustees, liquidators, receivers, &c., for which work obviously women would be less fitted than for the more peaceful and artistic avocations” (“Lady Accountants”, The Accountant, (1900) February 17). In Australia it was similarly argued that the prospect of membership was contrary to nature because a woman should be a man’s friend and companion (“The Admission of Women into the Profession”, The Accountant, (1915) January 23).
Moving on to abilities. Another blocker that carried over from the UK was the fear that the admission of women would lower standards. Way back in 1889, an enlightened member of the UK Society of Incorporated Accountants and Auditors argued that women and men had equal mental abilities and that women should not be excluded from the Society. However, this suggestion was roundly dismissed and, amongst other things, discounted as being mischievous and that the admission of women would be seen as evidence that the members of the Society were not fully qualified.
The view that women did not possess the intelligence suited to accounting work modified over time due to war time demands and demonstrated competency in roles (two points I will shortly return to). Women were conveniently regarded as suited to routine roles, such as bookkeeping, but ill-suited to roles that required them to be more constructive, analytical and critical thinkers. These were claimed to be the province of professional gentlemen.
Some begrudged women even the former. Prior to the war, many actively or passively resisted any movement that would allow women to compete with men within the workplace, including undertaking accounting work. The fear was that competition and a willingness to work for less would crowd out men and drive down wages. Nonetheless, it became necessary during wartime for women to take on the roles of men who joined the armed forces, even if those roles were conveniently reclassified. Once the war was ended, however, the expectation of many was that women relinquish their roles, as women did not need to work like men did. Tell that to Australia’s first female accountant, Addie, who, as an unmarried woman, had to support herself and her parents.
Summarising up until this point: The "how" women were kept out of the accounting professional was a narrow interpretation of Australian professional bodies articles. And the "why" boiled down to perceptions of the nature, abilities and role of women. Which brings us to the question of: what changed?
From tiny beginnings in 1916, when Addie had successfully completed all her exams and was permitted entry to the Institute of Accountants and Auditors of West Australia (the WA Institute), progress was initially painfully slow. The WA Institute was one of the antecedent professional accounting bodies to CPA Australia. The chart below, which I have cobbled together from a variety of sources, tracks the initially slow, then accelerated feminisation of CPA Australia’s membership.
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The feminisation of CPA Australia’s membership
Share of members who are women​

Sources: Javed, K (2021) “Antecedents and Consequences of Gender Inequality in the Australian Accounting Profession,” Doctoral Thesis; McCallum, J (2018) “The long road for Australia’s female accountants,” INTHEBLACK; CPA Australia (2012) Annual Report; CPA Australia (2015-2023) Integrated Reports.
I would like to write that Addie paved the way for others to follow. But I cannot. Addie was the forgotten pioneer. She slipped under the radar, either by circumstance or design. Helped by the fact that the WA Institute was smaller than, and distanced from, its larger east coast sister bodies.
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I would also like to claim that the motivation for opening membership up to women was societal change. But, again, I cannot. At least not initially.
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There were two initial triggers, which I briefly touch on next in turn: the law, and the financial position of the professional accounting bodies.
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Many Australian accountants regarded a Royal Charter as the Holy Grail – the ultimate recognition of a profession. The success of the Charter bid was contingent on the support of the UK Government. The experience of the major UK accounting bodies made it patently obvious that female membership was not something that the Charter seekers could ignore. UK law prohibited discrimination on the basis of sex.
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A depleting male workforce and, thereby membership, due to the war placed Australia’s professional accounting bodies under financial strain. They faced a choice between continued exclusion or extinction. An increase in feepaying members, even if they were women, was the only means of survival for some accounting bodies.
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The question I have not yet asked, but will now, is: why did female membership pick up? This, I suggest, is the more enlightening question.
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One reason is the broader societal change. Membership of professional accounting bodies was one of the last all-male strongholds to topple. By the turn of the twentieth century, women in Australia had access to university education and professional training in other disciplines, including medicine and the law. On Federation, Australian women were given the right to vote and stand for election. Wartime experience proved that women were not only fit for the government of society, they could successfully undertake jobs previously regarded as “men’s work”.
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A second and more pointed reason was that those women who filled accounting vacancies left by men joining the war effort amply demonstrated that the care, the accuracy, and the judgment demanded in those roles were not wholly the monopoly of one sex. As one London businessman put it, “to look at them with their smart frocks and stylish hats, you would not think they could trace an errant penny through ledger pages, but long lashes do not interfere with sharp eyes” (cited in “Lady Auditors,” The Public Accountant, 1916).
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Third, coinciding with, and potentially causing, the turning of a corner and acceleration of female membership was the participation of women in the governance of the Australian professional bodies and in business. In 1972, Elizabeth Davis became the first woman member to be elected as a councillor of the ASA. In 1988, Elizabeth Alexander became the ASA’s first female national president. Eleven years earlier, she also had claimed the mantle of becoming the first female partner of any of Australia’s “big eight” accounting firms. Despite the fact that decades had passed since women first entered the accounting profession, she still had to contend with questions regarding her aspirations and abilities. However, as she shared in the Australian Financial Review, “once they realised I was serious about having a career and was prepared to put my shoulder to the wheel to achieve it, my sex became irrelevant”.
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A fourth and final point I will make is that from the 1990s there has been evidence of a virtuous cycle of female participation in the accounting profession. That is, the increasing presence of women in the accounting profession would appear to have encouraged numbers to swell even more.
Enrolments in higher education programs of accounting provide a leading indicator of the share of women entering the profession. At the end of the 1980s under 40 percent of enrolments were women. By the end of the 1990s that share had climbed to over 50 percent, foreshadowing the achievement of gender parity in the profession that is now evident.
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Proportionally more and more women are studying accounting
Share of women enrolled in bachelor level and higher programs of accounting 1989-1999​

In 2022 the share of women studying towards a higher education accounting qualification was 55 percent, suggesting that women will in future command the larger share. Although, in keeping with definitions used earlier in this article, it will still fall within the parameters of “balanced”. Being female and an accounting professional is now well and truly normalised.
Change is possible
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The purpose of that herstory was to demonstrate that change is possible. The female share of accounting professionals has gone from zero to hero. While initially change was slow, it was due to a legal smokescreen and was competing against broader societal views at the time concerning women. As far as I am aware, there are no barriers in the governing documents of any of the professions that reserve them to one or other of the sexes. And, as a society, a century and a quarter on, I hope that we are more enlightened.
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However, societal assumptions with regards to the emotional or intellectual suitability of men and women to particular professions appear to linger. In 1986, Sue Daniels, an auditor with Deloitte Haskins and Sells, shared her experience that “[i]f you say something serious or tough, you get comments that you are a ‘bitch’, whereas a guy would be regarded as normal for saying the same thing.” And how many men are made to feel emasculated for choosing to work in the care sector?
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Both men and women are capable of having hard heads and warm hearts and neither should be made to feel any the lesser for it. Beyond the negative personal impacts of misplaced yet lingering assumptions, as I argued at the outset, they cause a drag on the economy. Many of the professional occupations touched on in this article – accountants, engineers, IT professionals, nurses, teachers – are in scarce supply. And they are at real risk of becoming even more deplete in the future unless the pipeline expands to include those whose ambitions and talents are well-suited to the future of work in those professions, irrespective of sex.
To address the drag, the accelerants of change need to command the lion’s share of efforts to achieve balance in gender dominated professions. Such as expanding the dreams of both girls and boys from an early age, equipping both with the foundational competencies necessary to expand their career horizons, and making visible those men and women who have chosen careers in professions dominated by the opposite sex. It easier to be what you can see.
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Mary Clarke
Principal
DXP Consulting
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M: +61 401 088 571
E: mary.clarke@dxpconsulting.com.au
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